This is the biggest ground in Mumbai. On 6th December people from all over India come to pay their respects to Dr. Ambedkar at Chaitya Bhoomi which is just adjacent to this Shivaji Park. I am witnessing this for the first time that thousands of people have come to pay their re­spects to Babasaheb on 16th April. I have seen many a rallies before but I have never witnessed such discipline and I have never seen such a constructive programme on the ideology of our forefathers. I wish to thank BAMCEF for this. Many rallies are organized on 14th April. This is the first highly disciplined rally which has been organized on the basis of sound ideology and constructive programme and attended by people who have come from all corners of the our country.

I want to start my speech by telling you a small story. There was a King, he had a Queen. The Queen fell ill. The king sent for the Doctors. The medicines couldn't cure the Queen. The King was worried. One day the Royal Astrologer told the King that the Queen could be cured of her illness if she was fed the flesh of RajHansa daily. The King ordered that the Rajhansa should be brought immediately and its flesh to be fed to the Queen. The sol­diers knew that there were Rajhansas near the lake in the forest. The soldiers started killing the Rajhansas with their arrows. The flesh of the Rajhansas was fed to the Queen daily. The Queen's health began to improve. But one day the soldiers returned empty handed and crest-fallen. They explained to the King that the Rajhansas flee immediately on seeing the ap­proaching soldiers. The Rajhansas have real­ized that the soldiers are killers who want to kill them. The King then asked the Royal Astrolo­ger to solve this problem. The Royal Astrolo­ger said, "You make a mistake. The Rajhansas immediately identify the soldiers by their uni-forms. Hence they flee away on seeing the soldiers. You should change the dress of the soldiers. You should send a soldier in the garb of a Sadhu." The King did accordingly. The Rajhansa couldn't see through the disguise and thought the soldier was only a Sadhu, just a Brahmin. The Rajhansa felt that there was nothing to fear from this Sadhu and it went nearer to the soldier. The soldier immediately shot an arrow at the Rajhansa and killed it.

The gist of this story is that the Rajhansa was not able to see that the soldier had come to kill it disguised as a Sadhu. But we are hu­man beings. How can we commit the same mistake? We should have our own strategy to identify the killer. We should have an ideology. The killer will always approach us in different disguises. He will also resort to such disguises so that we make a mistake and join him. In In­dia a killer in the disguise of a Sadhu will be hailed and idolized and worshipped. The killer will not always commit the same mistake. He will use different disguises on different occa­sions.

It has been told that the Varna Vyavastha of four Varnas disintegrated into 6000 castes. But the Brahman Varna' in the Varna Vyavastha is both Varna as well as Caste. The same is not true of the other Varnas. There is no caste by the name of Kshattriya, Vaishya and Shudra. These are Varnas and there are thousands of castes in these Varnas. The Brahmins have their own logo, an antenna i.e. their Janevu. Thus it is easy to identify the Brahmins in India. The Brahmin comes to recite the Mantras in religious ceremonies organized by the Kshattriyas, Vaishyas and the Shudras. As the Mantras are in Sanskrit we do not know what they actually mean; what the Brahmins want us to commit. He makes us confess on a bond paper that, 'the universe has been designed by God himself. Brahmins were born from the mouth, Kshattriyas from the shoulders, Vaishyas from the thighs and Shudras from the feet. As this system i.e. Varna Vyavastha is for the benefit of mankind we swore to preserve it'. The Brahmins make us swear to preserve this Varna Vyavastha on the occasion of every wed­ding and religious ceremony. And we do it. We do not realize that we are actually writing on a stamp paper that even if the Brahmins kick us we will readily accept those kicks; we are ready to give them the right to exploit us. And we do this with full contentment. We do not realize what we are actually doing.

On the other hand there is an ideology which strives to unite the different castes to­gether. This ideology is Phule-Ambedkarite ide­ology. But we are unable to provide even a proper introduction of this ideology to our people. We can give some examples to the people of what our great forefathers did to unite the thou­sands of castes.
In the BAMCEF International Confer­ence held in London in Septemeber 2005, Bhagmal Pagal who had worked with Babasaheb told us that when a dispute arose between Gandhi and Babasaheb on some is­sues during the Round Table Conference of 1932, people from all over the country sent let­ters and telegrams in support of Babasaheb. People from the Valmiki caste and the Bhangi caste from Punjab sent letters, signed in blood, to Babasaheb. In those Ietters they wrote, "Gandhi is not our leader. Our leader is Babasaheb Dr. B. R. Ambedkar. Our relation with Babasaheb is a relation of blood. That is why we are sending this letter signed in blood. Babasaheb's blood and our blood are one and the same. You will not find any disloyalty in this blood". The people of Maharashtra believe that Babasaheb got huge support only from Maharashtra. But this is not true. But if we in­form the people of this work that our Valmiki brothers did in 1932 then people will know what loyalty really is! This is the way to show affec­tion towards Babasaheb. All these people were with Babasaheb with zeal and honesty.

In Maharashtra Dadasaheb Gaikwad and Amrutrao Rankhambe was one of the lead­ers in Babasaheb's movement. A problem arose before Babasaheb while allotting the tickets for the 1936 elections. There was a single ticket and the candidates were two. The problem was which candidate should be given the ticket? Babasaheb had declared in a Conference in Yeola, "Even though I am born as a Hindu, I shall not die as a Hindu". Amrutrao Rankhambe was the organizer of that Yeola conference. He was a wealthy man. Babasaheb summoned Amrutrao and told him, "If I give you the ticket, people will say that Babasaheb gives tickets only to the rich candidates. I think that I should not give you the ticket. Both of you are good activ­ists. In the future I shall give you an opportunity. But now try to understand the problem". Amrutrao Rankhambe did not understand and he rebelled. He deserted Babasaheb and went to a different party. On the day Amrutrao de­serted Babasaheb, Radhabai Jadhav who was Amrutrao's only sister went to him and asked him whether it was true that he left Babasaheb. Amrutrao told her that Babasaheb had done him injustice by not giving the party ticket. Radhabai then said to her brother, "You cannot understand the compulsions of Babasaheb but we all do. Babasaheb bestowed such affections on you and still you deserted him. I have come to bid farewell to you. Till such time you were with Babasaheb, I considered you as my brother. From now onwards, I am dead for you as you shall be for me."

The illiterate Radhabai Jadhav did not attend the funeral of Amrutrao, her only brother, when he died. Those who deserted Babasaheb do not belong to us. Those who abandon the ideology they cannot belong to us whoever they are. Our thoughts have to be same if we are to relate to each other. Only the relation between people having the same thoughts can be called as blood relation.

Our enemy will always try to divide us. He is an expert in this. He profits by dividing us. Till we keep on fighting between ourselves, Brahminism will continue to get stronger. We shall not be successful until and unless we stop fighting between ourselves. Brahminism will be broken down if we stop infighting between us. They misdirect us by telling us false stories. They deceive us by concocting false history. They tell us about the Brahmin Rani Laxmibai who fought bravely against the British. We know now that it was Jhalkari who actually fought and not Lakshmibai. Even if we were to believe that Rani Laxmibai fought on the battlefield with her son strapped up to her back, this is no great achievement.

When Poona was severely hit by a Plague epidemic people started fleeing Pune. Many people died. Many so called leaders fled from Pune. But one woman stood her ground. She went to every house and carried the pa­tients on her back to the hospital. She gave them medicines. In Mundhwa village near Pune, Pandurang Babaji Gaikwad, an eleven year old boy from the Mahar caste got infected with Plague. When she received this news she im mediately carried the boy on her back to the hospital. The hospital was seven kilometers away. She walked all this way to her son's hos­pital and admitted this boy. The boy was given medicines and was cured. Later this woman herself got infected with Plague and she died on 10th March 1897. This woman was Savitri Phule!

We applaud greatly the woman who carried her son on her back while she fought on the battlefield (It is proved that she was not Brahmin Lakshmibai but an indigenous woman named Jhalkari).

Is not such a woman worthy of com­mendation who fights against the system, cures the diseased and dies doing this work? Is this not an act of bravery? Savitri Phule was a Mali by caste and the boy whom she cured was a Mahar by caste. This fact can bind the two castes together. Gandhi said that though people call him a Manama, the true Mahatma is Jotirao Phule. When we submitted this document con­taining the above statement of Gandhi, the por­trait of Jotirao Phule was put in the Parliament. We asked them to put the portrait of Jotirao Phule alongside the portraits of Babasaheb and Shivaji Maharaj. The officials opposed by say­ing that this cannot be done as Jotirao Phule was never a Parliamentarian. We said even Gandhi was never a Member of Parliament. Still his portrait is hanged in the hall of the Parlia­ment. After these efforts the portrait of Jotirao Phule was placed in the Parliament. When asked to choose the place for the portrait we requested that it be placed between the por­traits of Shivaji Maharaj and Babasaheb. It was Jotirao Phule who hailed Shivaji by writing his Powada. It was the first Powada ever written on Shivaji. Jotirao Phule also started and cel­ebrated Shivaji Jayanti. We would have forgot-ten Jotirao Phule were it not for Babasaheb who disseminated the thoughts of Jotirao Phule all over India and abroad. Shivaji—Phule— Babasaheb, it is an ideology, a chain.

It was Jotirao Phule who first demanded Reservation in 1869. Shahu Maharaj imple mented 50% Reservation in his Kolhapur prov­ince from 26th June 1902. Babasaheb provided Reservation to the Bahujan Samaj by incorpo­rating articles 340,342,15,16,46 in the Consti­tution. Shahu Maharaj implemented in his prov­ince what Jotirao had demanded from the Brit­ish. Babasaheb fulfilled Jotirao's dream by in­corporating the right of Reservation in the con­stitution of India. The name of the boy adopted by Jotirao Phule was Yashwant. Shahu Maharaj's name was Yashwant and Babasaheb had named his son 'Yashwant'.

Some people may feel that these are insignificant things. But these little things will create an emotional environment which will fur­ther help us to unite our people. Even the thoughts will get fortified. I am sad that other than BAMCEF nobody is doing this work. Some people say that the Brahmins are not our real enemies. The Brahmins do not come to set fire to our houses. This leads to a difference of opin­ion between the OBC's and the SC's. And this escalates into clashes between the OBCs and the SCs. If we beat a dog with a stick the dog bites the stick instead of the hand. But we are human beings and we should know who is hold­ing the stick. The ruling castes use different tac­tics to divide us.

In the Round Table Conference Gandhi opposed Dr. Ambedkar. Dr. Ambedkar asked Mr. Gandhi, "Why are only you opposing me?" Gandhi said, "I would support you if others too do the same. But if others oppose you then I too will have to oppose you." Afterwards Gandhi went to the Muslim league and said that he would accept all their 14 demands but in return they should oppose Dr. Ambedkar. He went to the Sikhs and asked them to do the same. Dr. Ambedkar was shocked when he learnt this. Babasaheb thought that Gandhi was a deceit­ful person.

In the Mahad Conference held in 20, 21 March 1927 Babasaheb had placed the photo of Gandhi in the pandal. But after 1927 he real­ized that Gandhi was not what he seemed to be. Mahadevbhai Desai who was private assistant to Gandhi has written that when Babasaheb came to meet Gandhi for the first time, Gandhi did not even look up at Babasaheb. Gandhi pretended to be very busy in his work. When Babasaheb prepared to leave then Gandhi asked him, "When did you come?" Babasaheb thought Gandhi was pur­posely insulting him. Babasaheb asked Gandhi about his views. Gandhi said that his views are known to all. Gandhi asked Babasaheb for his comment on his views. In that discussion between Gandhi and Babasaheb, Babasaheb had said, "I have no homeland". Gandhi thought perhaps Babasaheb was a Brahmin by caste. He asked Mahadevbhai about this. Mahadevbhai informed him that Babasaheb was an untouchable by caste. Mahadevbhai later wrote in his Diary, "God save this per­son. This man (Gandhi) wants to become the leader of this country and his general knowl­edge is so weak that he asks who is Dr. Ambedkar." We need to tell the people with the required proofs about the fight between Dr. Ambedkar and Gandhi.
Unconsciously we strengthen Brahminism by talking of Ram. Ram is a sym­bol of Brahminism. We should understand what symbols are ours and what symbols are of our enemies, we should understand what should be done to strengthen our­selves.
Our activists, writers and intellectuals say that Gangadhar Neelkanth Sahastrabudhe (Brahmin) burnt Manusmriti. And people ap­plaud this. They do not know that indirectly the credit for burning Manusmriti goes to a Brah­min. We should not forget that Gandhi used to go to the Bhangi Colonies. But what hap­pened? The Bhangis remained as they were before but Gandhi became famous. The im­portance of Gandhi increased, his popularity soared. Hence when we give the credit of burn­ing Manusmriti to a Brahmin we are doing in­justice to history as well as to Babasaheb. On page 118 in 'Bahishkrut Bharat' Babasaheb has written that the resolution prepared by him for burning Manusmriti was read by Gangadhar Neelkanth Sahastrabudhe. The work of support­ing the resolution was done by Rajbhoj (Chamar) and Jadhav (Maratha). Thus Babasaheb had given the work of reading out the resolution to a Brahmin. But the work of supporting the resolution was done by activists of the Maratha and Chamar Castes. Further Babasaheb has written specifically on page 118 that the task of burning the Manusmriti was done by the Sadhu-Sants from the untouchable com­munities. But we give the credit of burning Manusmriti to a Brahmin. We change history by these little things. We say that the Brahmins helped Babasaheb in his work. Among his ac­tivists were Chitnis, Pradhan, Tipnis, Karnik and Rege. They say that Babasaheb was not against Brahmins, he was against Brahmanya. They say that some Brahmins may be bad but not all are bad. The fact is that Tipnis, Chitnis, Pradhan, Karnik and Rege were Kayasthas, i.e. Shudras. But observing the surnames we think that these are Brahmins and we believe it. We commit the same mistake every time. We say that Phule was helped by Brahmins, Babasaheb was helped by Brahmins. The fact is that when Phule started preaching the true history, Brah­mins deserted him. But the activists who re­mained till the very end with Phule were Ranba Mahar, Dhuraji Appaji Chamar, Ganu Shivaji Mang, Lahuji Vastad Salave, Usman Shaikh, and Fatima Shaikh. If we make the people aware of these facts then the task of uniting the castes will succeed. If we do the work of propagating the true facts we shall succeed in our cause. In Maharashtra there was a cabinet minister whose wife was a Brahmin. Now he is a Mem­ber of Parliament. This cabinet minister belongs to the Bahujan Samaj. Once there was a 'Janevu Ceremony (Upanayana Sanskar)' of his wife's brother's son. The minister told his wife that he would attend the ceremony in-spite of his being very busy at the moment so that her family would feel good that a cabinet minister had come to their function. His wife said that she would go alone and he need not come. In spite of this the minister went to attend the cer­emony. When the ceremony started the Brah­min Pandit asked every male present to remove his shirt. The, minister thought that it might be a part of this ceremony. He removed his shirt. All the males present in this ceremony had 'Janevu'. Only this cabinet minister didn't. The Brahmin Pandit asked that why he was not wearing a Janevu. The minister replied that he was not a Brahmin. The Brahmin Pandit then asked him to sit outside as non-Brahmins were not allowed to participate in the ceremony. Even though he was a cabinet minister he was not permitted to participate in this ceremony. This minister was greatly disturbed. He took his ve­hicle and started to leave. His wife came to him and said that he should have listened to her advice. He shouldn't have come. She said to him to go back home. She would come later. The Hindu beliefs say that the wife shouldn't stay at the place where her husband is insulted. But this cabinet minister's Brahmins wife said that she would remain for the ceremony and come later. Did he get respect even though he was a cabinet minister? The Dharmashastras belong to the Brahmins. The Dharmashastras give importance to Brahmins only. When we oppose the Brahmins people say that a few Brahmins are good. We should not forget what Babasaheb had said. He had said that, "Priestly Brahmins and the Secular Brahmins are two arms of the same body". There is no difference between them.

Now we have an opportunity If we pro­test in India then through BAMCEF International Network our protest will be heard by the whole world. But we have to raise our voice of protest here in India. Our responsibility has increased. Earlier the world was unaware of our protests but now our brothers-sisters are working in all corners of the world. We should tell the OBCs that Babasaheb had resigned for their cause. Babasaheb had fought to secure the right of Reservation to the OBCs. Not only this, a Com­mission was set up on the insistence of Babasaheb. Nehru had appointed Kalelkar to this commission. Kalelkar was a Brahmin by caste and a Gandhiwadi as well. He was one of Gandhi's favorite activists. Kalelkar said that the Kunbees, Malis, Telis etc i.e. OBCs are not poor and they do not need Reservation. These castes cannot be given reservation, he said. Babasaheb had made a provision to provide for Reservations to the OBCs and had even re­signed for the cause of the OBCs. It was Gandhi who sabotaged all our rights. Kalelkar was Gandhi's man. Before Kalelkar went to Satara for Commission's work he wrote a letter to the Collector of Satara in which he wrote, "I am a Brahmin and will eat the food cooked by a Brah­min. I will not eat the food cooked by any other ordinary person." And this Kalelkar was going to write a report on whether the OBCs are poor or not. Kalelkar opposed us as he was a Gandhiwadi. We should place this entire his­tory in front of our people. I know of one way to join people i.e. join people to BAMCEF. If people join BAMCEF they will keep away from Casteism. Through BAMCEF we can destroy Casteism and Brahminism. We can win Free­dom."

Thanking all and giving the slogan, “lets work in BAMCEF, lets march towards Freedom”, Mr. Hari Bhau Narke concluded his speech.